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A new stage in the class struggle in Europe Militant International Review 3-13 Hepscott Road, London E9 5HB Editor: Alan Woods Contents Editorial: A new stage in the class struggle in Europe. China: Student protests shake bureaucracy..
'Liberalisation' —Preparing the ground for new explosions.
By Tony Cross France 1968 Reprints..
All Power to the French Workers, by Peter Taaffe The French revolution begins, by Ted Grant Comment: 'Dodging the Taxing Questions', a Marxism Today article reviewed...... By Lynn Walsh THE MASS struggles in France and Spain at the end of 1986 and the begining of 1987 have graphically shown that Europe is entering a new stage of class struggle. In many countries workers are now taking advantage of the current economic "boom" to attempt to regain at least part of the living standards lost during the previous period. At the same time youth are becoming more politicised with struggles over education and job prospects following on from the big anti-nuclear and anti-racism movements of the early 1980s.
While the situation has naturally varied from country to country the general process has been one of the continued breaking up of the old post war 'consensus', a growing polarisation between the classes and the begining of a radicalisation within the labour movement. While these developments have unfolded in different ways and tempos the fundamental picture has been clear.
However events do not occur in a straight line. The onset of the first post-1945 economic recession to take place simultaneously in all the major 5HB. ISBN 0906582 121 revolution.
By Alejandro Rojas ...3 Economic Notes.
By Bob McKee Science Report...
8 • • • By Pete Dickenson 9 Letters to the MIR ..11 Economic Strategy?.
By Bob McKee Zinoviev and Kamenev.
By Leon Trotsky 15 Book Reviews.
Editorial capitalist countries in 1973 was marked by a widespread movement of the European working class.
Workers strength and confidence after the terrible defeats of the 1920s and 1930s had been completely restored during the long post-Second World War economic upswing. In fact, in one sense, workers in most countries were stronger than ever before. However, as in the period before 1914, while the basic strength of the class had increased as the economy grew and European living standards rose, the absense of Marxist leadership led to a widespread growth in reformist illusions which enormously strengthened the right wing workers'
organisations.
Effects of 1973 recession Although the decades before the 1970s had seen the outbreak of big Printed by Militant Publications, 3/13 Hepscott Road, London E9 Perspectives for the Nicaraguan 18 -••• ...
. 29 ..30 32 The Campaign Group's A Million Jobs A Year - Reviving the 'Alternative 35 41 44 class struggles in some individual countries (like France, Italy and Greece) these processes became generalised across Western Europe in the 1970s. While Britain saw the mighty industrial battles of 1970-4 which ultimately defeated Heath's Tory government, revolutionary struggles unfolded in Greece, Portugal and Spain. The collapse of the dictatorships in Greece and Portugal during 1974 sparked off enormous movements of the working class. In Spain the early and mid-1970s saw the complete undermining of the Franco regime and the ultimate winning of democratic rights. This meant that for the first time in history the working class enjoyed democratic rights in every capitalist country in Europe. The 1970s also saw most workers parties increase their electoral support and, in many cases, begin a turn to the left, particularly within the social democratic youth organisations, as the first signs of the upswing's end emerged. In many countries workers parties formed the government, either on their own or as the largest partner in a coal tion, for the first time ever or for a: least decades. But in every case s. 5== 3
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MIR Spring: Editorial-
then when the workers parties formed governments they, sooner or later, began to implement counter-reforms, particularly wage controls and cuts in public spending and employment. The carrying out of pro-capitalist policies by the leaders of the labour movement often confused and disorientated the working class for a period. In fact the labour leaders abused workers loyalty to their organisations in order to carry out the capitalists dirty work.
This experience usually resulted in these governments losing the support of the middle class and the more politically backward strata of the working class, leading to election defeats as in Britain in 1979 and France in 1986. Even in countries like Greece and Spain where the workers parties were reelected back into office this was because of workers loyalty to their organisations and fear of the capitalist parties rather than enthusiasm for the policies of PASOK or PSOE.
The dramatic rise in mass unemployment which the 1979-81 recession brought also had an effect on the labour movement. In many cases this came as a complete surprise to workers who had grown used to full employment during the previous period. Coming on top of the disappointing experience of the failures of the reformist governments elected in the 1970s, and with the defeat of many battles against redundancy, mass unemployment often led to a downturn in the class struggle for a period.
International col
'lefts'
The responsibility for this mainly lay
with the leaders of the labour move-
ment who were caught napping by the
development of a generalised crisis of
capitalism. Not having any understan-
ding of how capitalism functions and
not being prepared even to seriously
contemplate the overthrow of
capitalism the overwelming majority of
labour leaders internationally adopted
the role of explaining to the working
class that they must tighten their belts
and lower their demands in the hope
that the 'good old days' will eventual-
ly return. What they did not grasp was
that the post-war period was an excep-
tional one as far as capitalism was con-
cerned.
The continuation of mass unemploy-
ment during the current boom shows
that capitalism is not enjoying a long-
term upswing. Now we are in a period
of weak booms and deeper slumps.
Even so, despite mass unemploy-
ment, large-scale class battles have
broken out in the past period. These
have shown that the class is prepared
4
In a magnificent display of discipline and determination student union stewards hold demonstrators together, linked with staves, when a January demonstration in Madrid was attacked by the police. to struggle when necessary. But they have also proved that in the present period determination and courage are not necessarily enough to lead to victory. The British miners strike amply showed the working class's ability to struggle but its defeat, due to the refusal of the TUC leadership to organise effective solidarity action, showed the vital role leadership plays in any battle.
The combination of the end of the post-war capitalist upswing, the failures of reformist governments and the defeat of some struggles, have produced an international collapse of the old 'left' currents within the workers parties. The pattern which we have seen in Britain of a sharp rightward movement by the 'lefts' who came to prominence during the 1970s has been
epeated throughout burope
he reason for this is quite simple All of these 'lefts' rejected the fundamental position of Marxism that capitalism could not be either reformed or gradually changed, that unless a workers party broke the power of the ruling class, monopolies and banks immediately upon coming into office it would inevitably end up either being overthrown (like in Chile) or it would carry out pro-capitalist policies which attack and demoralise its supporters.
The 'lefts' believed that either
hrouah controlling or gradually
ransformina capitalism it would be
possible to move towards socialism. The election of the Socialist and Communist Parties to government in France in 1981 put many of these theories to the test. Despite large- scale nationalisations ( though with heavy compensation and no workers' control and management | France remained a capitalist economy and within a year a combination of internal and external pressures produced a sharp right turn by this government. However the conclusions which the overwelming majority of the 'left' leaders drew from this and other similar experiencies was not that the Marxist position was right, but rather that they must water down their policies!
Polarisation
This move to the right was justified by blaming the working class. The ex- 'lefts' explained that 'socialism was no longer popular and that society had 'moved to the right'. Of course the 'socialism' of cut-backs, wage controls and redundancies as practised by the various reformist (or rather exreformist) governments was not popular, but neither was it socialism! The defeats of the workers parties lay in the disappointment their rule had produced, not a masochistic enthusiasm for the even harsher policies the capitalist governments would implement!
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JOkE
NOTRE ALI
Students demonstrate in Paris. A general youth radicalisation s developed throughout Europe.
Photo: Dave Sinclair
But far from society moving right
there is in all countries a polarisation
between the classes taking place.
Although this is unfolding at different
speeds in each country, the fact that
even during the current boom
unemployment has not significantly
fallen in any European country and that
the capitalists have continued attacking living standards and public spen-
ding means the gap between the
classes will continue to widen.
The capitalist politicians have used the failure of the reformists policies and the current economic boom to launch a propaganda offensive extolling the virtues of capitalism and proclaiming the 'death' of socialism. But events will take them (and the labour leaders) by surprise. There can be no doubt that the next serious recession will lead to a new radicalisation. In fact the bosses' propaganda will rebound on them as capitalist crises leads wider and wider layers to reject capitalism and see socialism as the only hope for the future.
This boom, while aliowing some sections of workers to raise their living standards for the first time in years, is not having a uniform effect either within or between countries. As Marxists have previously explained, a recession often has an inhibiting effect on the working class's willingness to struggle. But in a boom workers can feel more confident about pressing home their demands as they see pro-
duction increasing and the workforce stabilising or expanding.
But the fac: that the capitalists have kept up their continuing attack on the public sector even during the boom has produced major national strikes in Finland, France, Greece and Sweden during the last year. At the same time throughout Europe, including 'booming' West Germany and Sweden, local authorities are facing growing financial and social problems which could lead to Liverpeo style confrontations with central go ernment and/or the banks.
Youth radicalised
There nas seen a general tendency throughou: Europe towards general strikes, whether of public sector workers or the entire class. In the last period such strikes have either taken place or been seriously threatened in Finland, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Belgium, France, Italy and Greece. In addition, in countries like Spain, regional general strikes have taken place. Significantly some of these strikes have taken place against the policies of reformist governments, a clear sign that the policies of the right wing labour leaders are starting to be seriously challenged from within the working class.
The continuation of mass unemployment has meant that most young people have no secure future whatsoever. This, coupled with the fear of nuclear
weapons, nuclear power and Reagan's
massive increase in arms spending, has
produced a general youth radicalisation
throughout Europe. This has been
reflected in the prominence of young
workers in all the recent big industrial
battles and the rash of school student
and student strikes which have swept
across Europe in the last two years. In
country after country students have
taken to the streets to demand better
education and secure jobs after
finishing their studies.
Last year's sudden upsurge in France took the entire world, apart from the Marxists, by surprise. Only nine months after the victory of the capitalist parties in the National Assembly elections, there was such an enormous shift in opinion that the Chirac government was forced to retreat. The fear of both the bourgeoisie and the labour leaders was that there would be a repeat of the revolutionary general strike and mass factory occupations of 1968. While the government's rapid concessions and the policies of both the student and labour leaders prevented the 1986 movement reaching the level of 1968, these events illustrated both the extreme volatility in society and the willingness of workers and youth to struggle.
Chirac was left isolated by a massive abandonment of the government by the very middle class parents who had been the backbone of his support nine
5
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MIR: Spring 1987: Editorial
months earlier. At the same time the month long spontaneous strike of the rank and file railway workers (the majority of whom were not union members) reflected workers' growing militancy and confidence after the students' partial victory. But the trade union leaders, particularly of the Communist Party led CGT, refused to unify the different struggles developing within the public sector into a challenge to the whole of the government's policies.
A key difference between 1968 and last year was the fact that a Socialist, Mitterand, and not De Gaulle, was President. Balancing carefully, Mitterand used his position both to rebuild his personal support, indicating his sympathy for the students and railway workers, and tọ limit the movement's scope by not openly. opposing the Chirac government.
Mitterand's strategy appeared to be to secure re-election in the Presidential election due by mid-1988 and at the same time try to form an alliance between the Socialist Party and one or more of the so- called 'liberal' groupings within the current ruling coalition. In this way some Socialist Party (PS) leaders hoped to return to government and at the same time have an alibi, in the shape of a bloc with some liberals, to excuse their lack of socialist policies. But in February the PS leaders were forced by their rank and file to declare themselves against any coalition with capitalist parties. However, the fact that they now speak of winning a "progressive majority" ', instead of the "left majority" they previously campaigned for, shows that some PS leaders still hope for a bloc with so-called "progressive" capitalists.
reece and Spain
There are recent signs that the French Communist Party (PCF) is begining to increase support again, but many workers are critical of the role the PCF leaders played while they were in the government with the PS between 1981 and 1984. Furthermore the PCF leaders have also moved their immediate demands to the right. But it cannot be excluded that the PCF will be able to rebuild its base, particularly if the PS leaders do move towards a bloc with the liberals.
However the disappointing experience of both the PS and PCF in government is still fresh in many workers minds and while there is undoubted hatred of the Chirac government there is a critical attitude towards what policies a new PS or joint PS/PCF government would carry out. Next time French workers will demand something 6
radically different from their 1981-6 experience of pro-capitalist policies being implemented by the PS and PCF while in office. Thus even a bloc between the PS and the liberals under a re-elected Mitterand would very quickly come under intense pressure, particularly because workers would see a Mitterand victory as a blow against the capitalists.
Recent developments in Greece and Spain have shown how, especially after re-election or a period of time, the experience of right wing reformist governments radicalises the working class and youth.
In Greece the PASOK government's austerity policies and abandonment of the policy of 'socialisation' led to mounting opposition from the working class, especially after its re-election in June 1985. By October 1985, the PASOK led GSEE (Greek TUC) was openly opposing the government and pressure mounted within PASOK for the implementation of the radical policies upon which the party had been founded in 1974.
The reply of the PASOK leaders was to get the courts to remove left-wing PASOK members and KKE (Communist Party) members from the GSEE leadership and install a minority progovernment one instead. Yet 13 months later this new leadership was forced to help call a one day general strike in January 1987 against the government's policies! Despite the PASOK leadership expelling oppositionists, including trade union leaders, from the party, PASOK's rank and file is increasingly looking leftwards for an alternative.
It is noticeable that in Greece, as in Spain, the Communist Party (KKE) has not significantly gained from the PASOK leadership's rightward turn since first forming the government in 1981. Again and again the mass of workers and youth have looked towards PASOK and sought to struggle to change its policies. Although in the future the KKE could gain significantly at PASOK's expense its present tactics, where it backed candidates of the capitalist New Democracy party against PASOK in the trade unions and abstained in the second round of the local elections, alienate many PASOK supporters.
While in Spain the Communist Party has splintered into five separate groups. the trade union it formed, the Workers Commissions ICCOOl, is still a major force, having won a majority of
s in the large workplaces and nationalised industries during the recent factory elections. Politically however the ruling Socialist Party (PSOE) retained its overall majority
first won in 1982, in last year's election on the basis of workers loyalty. At the same time the bourgeoisie believed that the PSOE leaders would be best able to continue implementing austerity policies.
As in Greece the government's reelection has opened the way for the Spanish workers, peasants and youth to begin to actively press their demands. The defeat of the capitalist parties in the election has given the workers confidence to put pressure on the government in both countries, a fact which lies behind the attempt of the French Socialist leaders to try to avoid new Assembly elections if Mitterand succeeds in being re-elected.
As in France it has been the movement of the students, though in this case secondary school students, who have provided the first nationwide challenge to the pro-big business policies of the PSOE leaders. However, unlike in France, this movement was not spontaneous. The secondary school Students Union (SE), under the leadership of supporters of the Spanish Marxist paper Nuevo Claridad, had been working for some time to build its organisation. The huge demonstration held in Madrid on December 4th had been planned for some time but the response it achieved was the result of both the example of the French movement and the fact that the SE's call struck a real chord among Spanish youth.
Sign of events to come
But there were significant differences between the movements in France and Spain. Because of both the tradition of 1968 and the existence of the Chirac government, the French students very rapidly gained wide support, particularly from the working class. This was the fundamental reason behind Chirac's rapid retreat, a clear indication of the strength of the working class. In Spain however, although the students enjoyed overwelming support which was even reflected in opinion polls, the working class was slower in coming out in active support of the students.
On the other hand the Spanish students' leaders, unlike their French counterparts, consciously strove from the begining to gain the active support of the working class and link their struggle with the need to halt the procapitalist policies of the PSOE government. Even in France the motion, passed at the students national meeting, calling for workers organisations to be approached with the idea of holding a 24 hour general strike was originally written by supporters of the French
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Marxist paper, L'Avance Socialiste, at
Nanterre University.
As in France the fact that the
Spanish students will probably have
been seen to win a victory, albeit a par-
tial one, will have tremendous
repercussions. It will give encourage-
ment to the working class generally to
press home its demands and, as in
Greece, this will open up a period of
tremendous debate within the workers
organisations themselves.
These events of the last few months
give an indication of the future in store
for the whole of capitalist Europe. Even
when the working class is blocked or
defeated on one field of struggle,
sooner or later it will move onto
another.
Thus the defeat of the attempted
general strike in Denmark in 1985 has led to a big swing behind the Social
Democratic and Socialist People's Par-
ties, which seem likely to win the coming elections there. In West Germany the recent defeat of the Social Democratic Party will probably result both in industrial battles, as the trade unions renew their battle for the 35 hour week, and in debate within the workers organisations on the lessons of the election defeat. Already immediately after the election defeat large sections of the SPD were demanding that left-winger Oskar Lafontaine become party leader.
Now throughout Europe increasing numbers of workers are beginning to absorb the lessons of their recent experiences. The coming recession, while not necessarily leading to immediate class battles, will prepare the way, as in the mid-1970s, for the workers parties to be pushed into government. However the circumstances under which they enter office will be markedly different than before.
The combination of a severe economic recession and previous disappointing experiences with reformist governments will mean that these new governments will be under increasing pressure to carry out policies in the interests of the working class. While they may enjoy a "honeymoon" during which some limited reforms may be implemented the condition of capitalism and the right-wing reformists refusal to carry out socialist measures will, sooner or later, result in a shift to the left within the workers organisations.
It will be under these conditions that sharp discussions and debates will open up within the labour movement. As has already been seen to a limited extent in Greece the workers organisations will either as a whole move towards the left or will see the development of new left wings. This process
will effect both the trade unions and the workers parties. Unlike the left currents which developed within many social democratic parties in the 1970s these new tendencies will tend to assume a mass proletarain character. New conditions will face
workers parties in office
These new developments could well push some Labour leaders leftwards and radicalise some of the former left leaders who have recently moved to the right. However in the circumstances of sharper capitalist crisis and harsher class battles all leaders and tendencies within the labour moverent will be put to the test. It is in these conditions that the workers organisations will begin to be transformed and retransformed as the
class seeks a crisis.
What is clear is that all governments, whether composed of capitalist or reformist workers parties, will be faced with an increasingly active response by the working class to the capitalist crisis. But we will not see either a continuous economic recession or an unending series of struggles. In all countries there will be victories and defeats for the working class, periods of intense activity alternating with lulls. Yet there is no doubt that in this situation the experience of capitalist crisis and of struggle will result in enormous opportunities to win mass support for the ideas of genuine Marxism within the working class and youth.
out
February
History of Bolshevism
Unfortunately the Editors have been obliged to delay publication of Part Six of the series of articles by Alan Woods on the history of Bolshevism. We very much apologise for this and ensure our readers that the series will be resumed in issue Number 35, the Summer edition of the Militant International Review.
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