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All power to the French workers
IN THIS edition of the Militant International Review we are reprinting two articles on the events of May 1968. Undoubtedly the movements in France and Spain at the end of last year raised for the ruling class and their shadows in the labour movement the spectre of France '68 — not least for the Spanish Minister of Education, Maravall, who, a student demonstrator in Paris then, by a rich irony of history, now found himself confronted with a two million strong movement of school students!
In the event, the rapid retreat of the Chirac government, and the policies of the student and labour leaders, prevented the movement in France developing along the lines of 1968 ie the fusion of the students action with a massive explo-
sion of the working class. Nonetheless, the extreme volatility and the undercurrent of bitter discontent that the events revealed, shows that such a development-although it may not necessarily take place as a result of the present movement in France and Spain- was inherent in the situation, and a portent of events that lie ahead.
It is for this reason — to forearm our readers for the future by a study of the lessons of the past-that we are reprinting the two articles below, the first of which, All power to the French workers, was initially carried in the June 1968 edition, number 38, of Militant, then a four page monthly. The second article was first printed in Militant, number 39, July 1968.
ONE MILLION workers out! Hundreds
of factories occupied and controlled by
the workersi Schools taken over by
pupils and progressive staff! Capitalist
newspaper lies 'censored' by printing
workers! TV lies censored by reporters
and technicians! Universities taken over! Docks, post offices, ships taken over - what a mighty demonstration of the invincible power of the working class when it begins to move! What a crushing blow to the cynics, sceptics and apologists for big-business, who have written off the working class as "apathetic", "bought off" etc - and to the professional orthodox economists none of whose arduous study of the complex mechanics of capitalist economics could enable them to discern the gigantic force beneath the surface of modern society: the creator of the new society to come: the working class. How clear it should be to even the most politically uneducated workers that their French brothers would be in power today, but for the cowardly policies of the French Labour and Trade Union leaders!
The workers and the population of France were incensed by the brutality of the special police (CRS) in their sadistic onslaught on the students lit was the first time police had intervened in the Sorbonne since Nazi occupation, the CRS used a potentially lethal gas). More particularly they were impressed by the success of the students in gaining their immediate demands without delay, through their determination to act. The vast mass of students came out in a general strike throughout the country, protesting at the Nintolerable overcrowding, impossible work-conditions (e.g. 2000 English students to 4 professors), against the enormous failure-rate (20%) and the numbers forced to leave before graduation (50% of the remainder), against the lack of opportunities afterwards except for particularly successful careerists and against the degenerate and inhuman impersonal society' of modern capitalism. The Daily Express reported that 80% of the population of
By Peter Taaffe
Paris was for the students.
The industrial workers-and particularly the young ones-were emboldened by the success: "The students came first. They acted as a spark. They caused the government to yield...they gave us the feeling that we could go ahead" said one of them to a Times reporter.
Immediately the workers outpaced their union leaders and refused to restrict their struggle to a harmless oneday strike. They proved that they would tolerate their grievances _no longer
Falling Wages
The Observer (11.5.1968) revealed that 5.6 million people live below the subsistence level. One quarter of the population receive £12 or less basic weekly wage. At the same time, unemployment has dramatically increased until it is now over half a million. Some areas have been faced with a catastrophic increase... "in the Paris region it is a rise of 51 per cent and in the north-home of France's traditional coal-mining, steel and textile industries - the increase is 59 per cent" Financial Times. Real wages have actually falten over the last two years. Any actual wage rises have been rapidly eaten away by price increases-prices are "45 per cent higher than in 1958. This rise is conspicuously the fastest of all EEC countries."
The introduction of massive indirect taxation through the Value Added Tax has in the past months made the burden yet heavier. This has been coupled with De Gaulle's attacks on the social services and attempts to hold down wages in order to give an advantage to French capitalism in the cutthroat competition which would exist with the proposed ending of internal Common Market tariffs in July.
MALIANY
Millions in stan seller
Whee Cellir Workers and
poor farmers san in
Capitaline spitt ALL POWER TO
FRENCH
WORKERS
The front page of the Militant June 1968. Militant then was just a four page monthly.
Even the farmers were in revolt at the rapid decrease in their incomes. Many have been ruined and driven off the land, some into the decaying houses which scar the big cities. In Paris alone, over one third of the 9 million population live in inadequate housing. Significantly it has been the youth which has been particularly affected by the slow-down of French industry: "Of the registered unemployed, about 23 per cent are young schoolleavers" Financial Times 20.5.68
A gigantic wave swept from one end of France to the other. Not only the industrial workers but the bank employees, white-collar workers have responded to the call to strike. While only 10 per cent were unionised, over 50 per cent of the labour force is in-
11
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MIR Spring 1987: France '68" volved which is incontestable proof of the revolutionary energy and determination that has been unleashed. As in all revolutions, from the cracks and depths of society the formerly politically backward workers, the sweated and impoverished, the demoralised and cynical, have been brought to their feet. The poor farmers have set up barricades around the city of Nantes and other cities "in support of the workers and students". Times 21.5.68. Exemplary order is maintained and, as even the capitalist press has been forced to admit, the workers "check and grease factory machines that are lying All the conditions for a successful overturn are there; the workers are determined to go the whole hog. The middle class, particularly its lower layers, look with profound sympathy on the strike wave and in many cases join in. On the ships "even the officers have joined the sit-ins begun by the crews." Times 23.5.68.
Soviets It is the working class which has the effective power in the factories, the ports, the mines and the streets. A classic revolutionary situation exists. Even the televising of the debate in the National Assembly was done only by of the workers'
the permission organisations, as a Gaullist MP was forced to admit. Those instruments of state repression which are still in the hands of the government, the police unreliable. The police themselves have been touched by the hot flares of revolt. Their union issued a warning to the government that "the police officers thoroughly appreciated the reasons which inspired the striking wage earners and deplored the fact that they could not by law take part in the same way in the present labour the public authorities will not systematically set the police against the present labour struggles" (Times 24.5.68). In the event of a clash, many "serious matters of conscience" would arise, in other words. many sections, if not the majority. would go over to the workers. The army also would be split from top to bottom if the officer caste sought to intervene. This is shown by the comments of a national serviceman when he was "asked if he would fire on the students and workers and replied 'Never. I think their methods may be a bit rough but 1 am a worker's son myself'" (Times 21.5.68) If ever there was a time when the working class could take power peacefully, that time is now.
12 In every shop, factory and workplace the workers' councils would naturally be the dominant form of organisation. Established at local level they would come together also in the districts and eventually at national level. The organised sections would be drawn in until they embraced all the toilers; a parliament of the masses where their will and demands would be exercised; as opposed to the real democracy sham democracy of the jugglers in the Assembly. Taking demands of the workers, the farmers, and the middle class it would be possible to tie them together, feeling the common need for a drastic change, the need for a socialist society. Once in power, the workers' councils, where all officials would be elected and subject to recall, from being instruments of struggle for power would then become the organs of management and control by the masses themselves.
This is what the French working are groping for, as the strategists of capital so cunningly understand. The only thing that stands between them and extinction are the leaders of the mass organisations. They will try to use the prevarication and treachery of the CP leaders at a later stage, not only to discredit the latter but, with them, the ideas of Marxism in the eyes of the masses. The leadership of the Communist Party and the CGT, along with the Catholic unions and the Force Ouvriere, refuse to carry through what the workers have begun: the seizure of Gratified, the "the Communist unions and the Gaullist Government they appear to be challenging are realsame side of the barricades...
At first the students came in for vicious attacks in the pages of L 'Humanite, the CP daily newspaper. Later the CP leaders attempted to prevent all contact between students and workers. They attempted to restrict the movement against its very nature to 'economic demands'' - as though these could be met for any length of time under capitalism! In spite of the utter ineffectualness of any opposition to the workers, they warned against Drovoking the govern- , causing bocashed etc What alternative do the Communist Party put forward?
Over the heads of the workers they are supposed to represent they have agreed, in private negotiations with big business, to send back the workers they never called out in the first place on certain compromise terms: terms cannot be maintained under which capitalism without causing inflation, crisis and (particularly in view of the rispopulation) unemployment.
The "Communist' leaders put forward the idea of a Popular Front Far from being, as the CP leaders an "alliance with the middle class' it is in reality a bloc against them. By linking up with the leaders of the CFDT it is forming in reality a bloc with the political exploiters of the middle class who habitually sell out the infarmer, the of the small shopkeeper, etc, to those of big capital. Only in action can these intermediate layers of society be torn away from allegiance to their traditional parties. It is not in a Popular Front but in a United Front of struggle for power that these workers who retain allegiance to the other parties would be affected. If they agreed to a common struggle against capitalism, all the better; the Marxists would be able, in action, to demonstrate the superiority of their programme and methods.
Road to world socialism Meanwhile the Popular Front will mean something different to the bosses: They will use the time to prepare the forces of reaction: the disillusioned poor farmers, students and middle class who will suffer from the inevitable devastating inflation and run-down in the economy. These sections will come to the conclusion that the working class has let them down and they will rally to any pseudo-radical force that seems to offer actions and an actual alternative. This is the basis of ultra-reaction. They are only able to do this because of the pusillanimity of the official labour leaders. For the time being, they are prepared to eat into the enormous $6,000 million reserves they have piled up over the last ten years. Not the least of the effects of such a deal will be the undermining of the competitive position of French capitalism in the world market. What a crushing indictment of the anarchy of capitalism that it can be "competitive"
, ie continue to accumulate profits for the bosses, only so long as the working class are prepared to exist on the paltry amounts described above! What the bosses will be forced to give with the left hand-and they will have to do this or face the possiblity of explosions which, despite the CPs role, could end their days - they will attempt to take back with the right hand tomorrow. Resulting inflation will be used in order to inflame the middle classes against the 'excesses' of the workers.
Vague promises of "participation"
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THURSDAY 2nd MAY: Cohn-Bendit and five other students appear in court. Nanterre University closed in protest, French Communist Party IPCF) denounces students. FRIDAY 3rd MAY: Police attack peaceful demonstration at Sorbonne, 596 arrested. University Teachers Union (the SNE.Sup) calls a strike.
SUNDAY 5th May: University strike spreads, Seven students are fined and imprisoned. Demonstrations in Paris are banned MONDAY 6th MAY: The first University occupations start.
Sixty thousand demonstrators are attacked by the CRS riat police, 739 are hospitalised. The first barricades since 1944 are set up. THURSDAY 7th MAY: Young workere join the demonstrations, Strike at Sud Aviation against redundancies. Post Office workers strike for highar wages. Students appeat for support from the factories. FRIDAY 10th MAY: Latin Quarter occupiad and barricaded. CRS sent in with tear gas at 215am.
SATURDAY 11th MAY, The Communist led trade union federation, the CGT, together with the ex-Catholic trade unions, the CFDT. the Teachers Federation and the Left parwill not, as all the capitalist commensatisfy the workers. One thing is certain: the Gaullist "invincible" regime is finished. Whenever its demise comes, within weeks or months, its position has been irretrievably damaged. The French workers will not only have succeeded in bringing about its downfall, but also in beginning to undermine honeycombed theories of "social peace" which have proliferated in the Western Labour Movement in the last twenty years.
Not by accident did the Times mournfully comment:
"When Louis Philippe was driven from his throne in 1848 after a few brisk days of rioting In Paris and took refuge in London, there were revolutions all over Europe. Italy, West Germany, Belgium and Spain are in trouble enough without the Mother of Revolutions once again setting a bad example." 22.5.68. How well do the ideologues of capitalism, with devastating realism, understand the threat that faces them! And how timid and treacherous do the labour leaders' vague and pious hopes sound in comparison! The diseased state of British capitalism too is preparing an explosion. The traditional parties in all the countries of Europe will be shaken from top to bottom.
Even if the CP manages to sell the deal with De Gaulle to its own rank and Chronology of the main events, May 1968 ties call a 24 hour general strike for Monday. MONDAY 13th MAY: A 24 hour general strike with mass demonstrations of 50,000 in Marseilles, 40,000 in Toulouse and 1,000,000 in Paris.
TUESDAY 14th MAY: Workers occupy Sud Aviation, Nantes, locking the director in his office and appeal for solidarity. De Gaulle leaves for state visit to Rumania. WEDNESDAY 15th MAY: With no official support strikes and occupetions spread to Renault, the shipyards, the pits etc. FRIDAY 17th MAY: Strikes spread. Peasant orgenisations call a demonstration for the 24th May. Police trade union reported to be in a "dangerous situation.'' A students, Come Aunte workers and peasants council governs the Loire Atlantique area around Nantes. SATURDAY 18th MAY: De Gaulle returns early from Rumania, Reactionary Committeas for the Defence of the Republic (CDR's) formed, but fascist demonstration only attracts 2,000, Radio and TV (ORTF] news under journalists control.
SUNDAY 19th MAY: Two million now on strike including banks, all transport, nationalised industries, and the metal industry. MONDAY 20th MAY: Six million on strike file, this will not be without internal rumblings. No longer do the CP leaders exercise the mesmeric effect or hold the fanatical devotion of the rank and 'file as in the 1930s. Already this is reflected in the resignation from the CGT of one of its leaders, a prominent CP member, because he considers that the CGT is "not taking full advantage of the situation to overthrow the Gaullist regime." In the event of a Popular Front the CP will precipitate a massive movement of opposition THE ELECTION results in France provide a devastating criticism of policy of the Communist and Socialist parties during what the capitalist press has termed the 'May Revolution'. Lenin spoke and wrote of decades of development leading to a revolutionary crisis during which the fate of the people could be decided during a few days. Such was the crisis in May. The Times wrote that during that period "All the physical levers of power were in the hands of the Communist Party." A general strike by its very nature poses the problem of power. This general strike began spontaneously, involving ever greater layers of the exploited, not including Michelin, Peugeot, Citreon, Department stores, all ports and mines. TUESDAY 21st MAY: Eight million on strike, over half of the French labour force, including nuclear power workers. FRIDAY 24th MAY: Ten million on strike. SATURDAY 25th MAY: Talks begin at Rue de Grenelle between the government.
employers and the trade union leaders. MONDAY 27th MAY: Workers mass meetings reject offers WEDNESDA Y 29th MAY: CCT demonstra tion, 500,000 strong. De Gaulle leaves Paris saying "'The game is up." THURSDAY 30th MAY: De Gaulle returns having been assured of support from General Massu, commander of 70,000 Franch troops based in Germany, Dissolvas National Assembly, announces new elec tions and launches smeer campaign against "'threat of totalitarian dictatorship" - Tank and troop movements begin around Peris and right wing demonstration attracts one million.
FRIDAY 31st MA Y: Negotiations resumed everywhere and, not without vitimisation etc, a gradual return to work begins, encouraged by the PCF which could end in a split with the majority going over to the genuine programme of Marxism. The enormous sense of power, the gigantic steps forward in understanding, the combativity and ability to fight of many workers who have viewed politics as the preserve of lawyers and doctors in the past, will still be there. The French workers have unleashed a force that will yet end the rule of rent, interest and profit in Europe and throughout the world.
The French revolution begins By Ted Grant only the industrial workers but the white collar workers as well. Peasants were affected and the police at that stage could not be relied upon. The army, according to reports, was also affected. Power could have been taken peacefully and a workers' democracy established. But the Communist Party and the Socialist Party, which had not initiated the movement but were as terrified as the government, stood in the way. The capitalist press greeted the role of the Communist Party with relief. The Economist of 22 June commented: 13
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MIR Spring 1987: France '68
"They (the CP) acted like Fabians not like revolutionaries. And ever since, they have emphasised that their party is one of law and order. They kept silent when the police occupied the
They dissociated Sorbonne.
themselves publicly from 'rabblerousers and ultra-left provocateurs' and acquiesced in the government's decision to ban all the small left-wing revolutionary movements."
'The middle class must not be frightened!' Thus in the election campaign, instead of boldly proclaiming the need for a change in society and campaigning against the banks, monopolies and trusts - while also agitating for the demands of the peasants, the small businessmen, the shopkeepers and showing them that their interests were linked with those of the working class and against monopoly capital -they tried to vie with the Gaullists as the Party, as Waldeck Rochet had declared, "the party of law and order" . Their election posters even proclaimed: "Against disorders and against anarchy-Vote Communist. ." This 'leader' even shamelessly declared that the CP had displayed a sense of responsibility in the crisis and only wanted a coalition government.
On this plane they could not hope to compete with the Gaullists-as de Gaulle cynically remarked, "the party of the funk vote''. The Gaullists raised the spectre of a Stalinist France with a totalitarian regime, in which all the liberties of the people would be snuffed out as in the countries of Eastern Europe and China. Thus the middle class were stampeded, and even some sections of the working class were affected.
June '68 election results
The Gaullists obtained 9,663,605 votes in comparison with 8,448,982 votes in 1967. Their Independent allies got 917,539 compared with 821,097 votes. The Communist Party received 4,435,357 this time in comparison with 5,039,032 last time. This represents a loss of 604,675 votes. The so-called Left Federation, composed principally of the Socialist Party, retained 3,654,003 in comparison with 4,224, 110 in 1967, a loss of 570,107 votes. The PSU, Socialist Unity Party, which stood to the left of the Communist Party succeeded in increasing its vote to 874,212 in comparison with 495,412, a gain of 378,800 votes. The capitalist Centre Democrats had 2,290,165 in comparison with 2,839,998, a loss of 539,833 votes.
The Morning Star and the French Communist Party find consolation in the fact that they "only" lost 600,000 14
votes out of the million gained at the last election Morning Star 25 June 1968). But they forget to add that in the early post-war period, with a smaller electorate the vote for the Communist Party and the Socialists was higher. In the first post-war elections, together they obtained 51 per cent of the votes, higher then the Labour government of 1945 which received 48 per cent of the vote. In conditions such as these, with clear and honest slogans, with an explanation to the people of the crisis facing French capitalism, of the inevitable ruination of the middle class and small businessmen, their vote would have been much higher. Had they acted with the revolutionary tide, power on a socialist programme would have won the overwhelming majority of the French people. It would have altered the whole balance of forces between the capitalists and workers throughout Western Europe, and even the world.
The cowardly leaders betrayed the working class and the French people. De Gaulle put forward a muddled demagogy "against capitalism and totalitarian Communism.' The Gaullists promised "participation"' (whatever that is supposed to mean) to the workers and "reforms of education and the state. " It was on this basis that the middle class and large sections of the peasantry were panicked into voting for "order". The policy of the workers' parties was a classic one of 'How not to win the middle class."
What now? Every serious capitalist commentator regards the situation in France with dread. The workers, against the wishes of their "leaders' have demonstrated and realised their own power in the spontaneous strike struggles. The French working class have a great revolutionary tradition. They have made important gains in wages and conditions. But these will be filched away by rising prices, by inflation, increases in the cost of living and the provocations of the capitalists.
The consequence will be a new outburst of anger during the autumn and winter. The Economist, not given to
making the flesh of its capitalist
backers creep, declares: "Election results provide a more or less accurate
picture of political preferences in a
country at a given moment. This time the picture will be more than usually
distorted because France has not
recovered its composure. The question is how far the voters will be swayed by
fear when they go to the polls on sun-
day, and when they return there on 30
June to complete the job. Or rather to
complete the election. For the election
is not the end of the affair."
Big business has financed '
commandos" as the shock troops of French reaction. The day after the election a railwayman was killed in Paris by fascist thugs after an argument. The workers on two stations declared a 24 hour strike. But this is a symptom of what is to come. Finance capital was taken by surprise by the May movement of students and workers, but it is already beginning to prepare for the future. Reaction polarised itself round the Gaullists, but as even the American Newsweek magazine quoted: "By voting for de Gaulle, said one opposition politician, 'Frenchmen will assure themselves of the status quo for a few months or perhaps a few years. But it will all end with a big bang compared to which last month's events may seem like a carnival."'
Learn from events
There will be a falling away in the support for Gaullism among the peasants and middle class, since only big business will benefit from their policies. Gaullism will probably give way to the "coalition of the Left" so longingly demanded by the Communist Party. Thus the capitalists will prepare for a struggle with the workers. The victory of Gaullism will be a pyrrhic one. But the most advanced workers and students, particularly the youth, will be learning from these great events. The Communist Party leadership and that of the Socialists will demonstrate their responsibility for the harsh and bitter struggles that will face the workers. The Communist Party leadership will demonstrate that their own cowardice, stupidity and betrayal have solved nothing for the working class. The best elements of the rank and file will revolt. No longer is there the same blind support for the "Communist" Party which led to the defeat of the working class in the pre-war Popular Front and 1944-47. The struggle has just begun. In the coming months and years the working class will begin to see that the only solution to their problems lies in a change in society.
The leadership of the Communist Party, backed by the Russian bureaucracy, will find that the end will come for their policy of deceit and cynicism. No one can break the will of the working class to organise a new socialist order. At the cost of terrible and unnecessary sacrifices, the workers in France will continue the struggle begun with the May events. The socialist revolution in France has begun. Their leaders have halted them. But the workers will thrust them aside and find new leaders in the course of the mighty events which are coming.
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