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Life of a union rebel?
Yvonne Harrison reviews Eric Hammond's recently published autobiograpby.
MEMORIES OF THE EETPU's treacherous role during the 1984-85 miners' strike and at Wapping are inextricably linked with the name of Eric Hammond. His autobiography, Materick - The Life of a Union Rebel shows why. The basis of Hammond's 'trade unionism' is business unionism, where union leaders do deals over the heads of the rank-and-file. with rights to organise and struggle compromised or bartered away. The miners' strike starkly revealed where this trend of trade unionism leads. His role throughout the year-long strike can only be described as one of sabotage!
The EETPU had close links with the scab 'Union of Democratic Mineworkers' (LDM). Hammond admits: "Once the UDM was formed. I had a number of private meetings with Roy "Thatcher did Lynk, and we staged a meeting of the two union executives at our Cudham Hall..." Hammond a favour to also had a cosy relationship with Energy Mineveryone who ister, Peter Walker, freely admitting that Walker believes in consulted him about oil-fired power stations. union "so they kept on extra sets... in Kent which democracy"
were burning around the clock throughout the dispute. 10% beyond their stated capacity: Yet. he begins his distorted account of this historic struggle with the bald statement that he offered the NUM "the chance to win the yearlong pit strike just three months into the dispute"! Hammond claims he offered to urge power workers to stop work if the NUM held a ballot, renounced violence on the picket lines and renounced any political objectives in the strike — the same issues that the Tories were using to attack the miners and their leaders. Yet it wasn't the miners who forced the strike on the Tories but the Tories who forced the fight onto the miners, after months of elaborate secret contingency planning. If the miners had won Thatcher would have fallen, as she did after the victory of the anti-poll tax campaign. The violence on the picket lines was also rooted in the military-like preparations of the gorernment, the police and the coal board. To have conceded to Hammond would have damaged the solidarity of the dispute. capitulating to the propaganda of the Tories and the media. Hammond knew there was no way principled trade union fighters could come up with any form of words that would satisfy his demands. 200 MIR Many good trade unionists thought that tactically it would have been better for the miners to have balloted. Nevertheless, when the strike was on and the miners, along with their communities, had voted overwhelmingly with their feet, the ballot issue should not have been an impediment to solidarity. The question to every serious trade unionist was — whose side are you on? In reality: Hammond came down emphatically for the Tories in their efforts to smash the NUM. His 'offer' was propaganda point scoring. At the EETP! conference his real position was clear: "We will not placidly accept the escalation from one day of action to another resulting in a nationwide strike. The executive will not support a serious extension without the consent of all trade unions involved through a ballot vote. and eren then our recommendation would be vote No'" IN BOTH THE miners' strike and at Wapping Hammond bore a great responsibility for the divisions that rent the movement. But it was the failure of the TUC leadership to act decisively to gain victory for the miners and then the printers which gave a green light for the Tories to introduce further anti-union legislation. Of course. Hammond was not opposed to Tory intervention in internal union affairs. In a chapter entitled 'Thatcher's ballot bonus' he welcomes secret postal balloting: "Thatcher did a favour to everyone who believes in fair play and union democracy:" Militant consistently argues that union leaders should be accountable to their members through regular election of all representatives. full-time and lay. But the method of such elections should be determined by the membership themselves and not by the law. Postal balloting has not resulted in more members' taking part in elections - the percentage voting has fallen year by year. U'nion elections are now more open to state interference and bureaucratic manipulation. The role of activists who see the candidates in action, has been undermined in favour of the union machine and the press Hammond praises the Tory anti-union legislation: "I told the TUC General Council that. before the end of the century, we would be crecting statues to Worman Tebbit for making them listen to the members and consequently saving the unions"! But Tebbit's aim was to 'neuter the trade unions. And how has the legal power to sequestrate unions' assets, to prevent solidarity action. to ban trade unions (GCHQ) and now attempts to prevent unofficial strikes. 'democratised' unions?
The EETPU were we first. with the AEl: to
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THE ICING ON the cake for the Tories was the doch by citing "restrictive practices. take the Tories blood moncy, state funding for postal ballots. This was despite clear TUC policy for a boycott. Hammond justifies this by saying all other trade unions have now followed the same path. However, a principled stand could have been used to build opposition against the rest of the Tory anti-union laws Those who took the money undermined the struggle against all the anti-union laws. Initially. Thatcher and the Tories trod warily. carefully testing the water before each attack But as the 1980s progressed, the Tories became more confident that the right-wing trade union leaders would not lead a fight and would act as i dead weight on attempts by ordinary members to fight back. This book merely confirms in chapter and verse how right the Tories were. Many union leaders. having failed their members, stood back complaining — our members would not fight. They forget those that braved all - the miners, dockers. printers, and seafarers. It was the right-wing leaders failure to mount an effective opposition to the Tories legislation. and most of the left-wing leaders failure to organise against the right. that led to the series of vicious attacks on trade union and workers' rights. Now, as the Tories begin their fourth term of office, a further round of antiunion legislation is planned.
6.000 FAMILLS 6000 SKED RUPERTE - FRT HAPPING SATED BY STOP A RELATED NUS TPU HAPPY NEW MURDOC POLO YEAR HAMMOND'S HYENAS PUT 6,000 ON THE DOLE role the EETPU: played at Wapping. The long series of secret meetings which led to Wapping "was began on 31 January 1985. Murdoch looking for ways of 'utilising his Wapping plant. Resistance by the print unions.. meant the venture was in danger of turning into a white elephant. Having set out the scenario, Murdoch. whose American newspaper empire had shed thousands of staff as new technology had been "Here was an introduced, made it clear he wanted to do the same in the IK. What could we do to help. opportunity to Murdoch asked impassively. Could end print our members set up the machinery? Not only that: union power I told him, 'but they could operate it as well' once and for There was an almost audible click as Rupert all"
suddenly realised that here was an opportunity to end print union power once and for all. He turned to me and said. 'Eric, I think we might be able to do a deal:" (My emphasis - YH) Hammond gave Murdoch the confidence and the troops he needed to take on the print unions. During the construction of 'Fortress Wapping': a 'hot iron' foundry (the okl method of producing print) was built, a clear indication that. prior to Hammond's offer. Murdoch intended to concede defeat over the introduction of new technology. Without Hammond. Mur doch wouki have had no alternative but to continue to deal with the print unions. Hammond attempts to justify backing Mur- What WIR !27
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281 MIR Summer 1 Eric Ham
99 120
lurdoch" has
shown no gratitude,
even though
he couldn't
have
succeeded
without us
exactly did he object to? Management were denied the right to hire and fire at will! These elements of workers' control had been established through years of struggle on Fleet Street. giving confidence to other workers, including in the electronic and power industries.
But Hammond's real motives are spelt out in the book: "I was convinced that because of the ballot money issue, it would not be long before we were forced outside the TUC. possibly setting up an alternative and more moderate member-based umbrella trade union grouping with unions like the AEL and the UDM. What better start. I thought. than striking at the heart of the Left and giving one of its favourite safe havens. the print unions, a bloody nose?"
Yet despite Hammond's treachery, Murdoch could have been defeated. The printers fought a magnificent one-year battle. Tragically: the leaders of the print unions failed to deepen the strike within the print industry and particularly in Fleet Street. But the TUC leadership were also responsible. What exemplifies the failure of the TUC above all is that despite the responsibility Hammond bore for the dispute, despite the EETPU's role in organising scabs, six months into the strike he was still involved in TUC negotiations with Murdoch!
This placatory attitude merely increased his confidence: "After the TU'C tap on our knuckles
in February 1986. 1 saw from Murdoch. In fact.
Norman Willis to assist ment... On 18 June. Not me confirming a formal our 'best endeavours y Wapping, and with the going.
Hammond flew to behalf to be wined
LOs and
no reason to shy away I was being urged by
in reaching i settleman Willis... wrote to request for us to use vith our members at company to get talks
Angeles, on dined luxu
the TICs rious br
Murdoch. The whole episode is related in terms of one luxury event after another. "We stayed at the Beverly Hills hotel. we rounded off the next day with Rupert and his familv... at a fine restaurant... The following day we relaxed ... at the Hollywood Park horse races." Hammond then complains. "there were no thanks from the print unions for our ettorts to get them a better deal"!
However, more galling tor Hammond was that despite betraying the print jobs to Murdoch, the EETPU were denied their thirty pieces of silver - recognition at Wapping "I try not to look back and wish matters had been different. not to complain at News International's duplicity - after all, we were using Murdoch as much as he was using us.. He has shown no spark of gratitude, even though he couldn't have succeeded without us, and.. our people at Wapping.
All union leaders should learn trom Wapping debacle. If you act as a fifth column the employers, you will be used by them long as they think necessary, and then be tos:
thơ tor ied
aside with the contempt vou deserve.
The EETPI were under threat of expulsion from the TV C from 1985, when they disregarded TEC policy on postal ballots. A shoddy compromise resulted... followed by Wapping. Each time the TUC weakened in their resolve to deal with the EETPI leaders for their blatant acts of betrayal. each time were they further emboldened to flagrantly disregard TUC policy.
The compromises finally came to an end. however, on the question of single-union, nostrike deals. To the last minute the TUC leaders begged for a compromise to prevent the BETPI leaving. As Hammond explains: when cases of single union deals were referred to the TIC disputes committee he would offer "to try to renegotiate the deals, give three months notice and seek to get an agreement to include other unions. What we actually did was to wink to the employers. Don't you dare: We got off the hook...
EARLYIN THE book Hammond states that "the one thing I fear most... is to be considered a coward." His task for the remainder of the book is to prove his bravery' at Warrington. Wapping and during the miners' strike. In fact he consistently adopted the line of least resistance against the employers, whatever the cost to the working class.
Trotsky, in his writings on the unions in the 1930s. pointed out that capitalism in a period of decline exhausts any reforming role for the trade union leaders. They face to alternatives: either to link the day-to-day struggles of workers with the need to change society: raising the sights of workers involved in struggle: or to
reconcile themselves constraints that places as the policemen of
Hammond took the enly than most other modern times. But the tion has taken a hold then lefts who verbal 'business unionism' in elee dragged alono i
- -00-.
to capitalism and the on workers - ending up their own class.
latter course more braz-
trade union leaders in trend towards collaborain the past period. The Iy opposed Hammond's the 1980s. found themn the wake of the rioht
14 1 4A1L 4411 L
I 4811L because of their failure to put forward a real alternative. They lacked confidence in the working class to struggle to thwart the attacks of the employers and to fight for socialism.
On the other hand Hammond displayed all the smugness and arrogance of those who have the backing of the capitalists. Each attack by Hammond on workers was rewarded by plaud its from the press. Flattered by this he went further into the mire. while still hypocritically keeping up a pretence of representing the interests of working people. It is up to the young workers in the new Amalgamated Engineering and Electrical I'nion to rebuikd the democratic and fighting traditions for which the EETPU was once renowned
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