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After Peron was ousted. economic decay really set in, although all the problems were gathering force before then. Although one of the most advanced and industrialised economy in Latin America, it is still predominantly an under-developed nation. dominated by imperialism and dependent upon raw materials and agriculture. In the hey-day of Peron's rule immediately after the second world war, Argentina's products were at a premium. Wheat exports were 30 i of the world's in 1940. but fell to 15%4 by 1955. Similarly with beef, lamb, wool etc. Terrible economic dislocation and inflation have beset the economy as in most of the so-called "Third world". For example, in the first 10 months of 1972, the cost of living in the Buenos Aires region, in which 7 million live, No wonder the mass of workers tend to look upon the "good old days" with some longing. Then Peron was able to exploit the favourable market in order to grant enormous concessions: minimum wages; 8-hour day; paid holidays; housing; health and social security schemes and so on. In Bonapartist fashion, he ruled from above, balancing between all classes: yet leaning on the massive support of the workers, playing the capitalist right of his morement against the working class mass. but granting considerable material gains to both. In particular. he was able to serve the interests of the local capitalists by striking blows against imperialism, and at tho same time grant reforms to the workers; but all this was temporary. 'By 1955 world conditions had changed and action Since then the conditions of the masses have drastically worsened. In the carly days, the Argentinians ate the most beef of any nation in the world. yet recently the military junta has decreed 'meatless' weeks in order to conserve meat for export. The squalid shanty towns which surround the cities are testament to the lack of progress on the land. Still dominated by the wealthy ranchers and big capitalist food concerns, it has been impossible to provide even a bare living for the peasants and labourers there. As a whole, the economy has faced worsening crisis, unable to compete with the giants of the capitalist world. The agricultural processing industry which was the lifeblood of Buenos Aires. has stagnated as food production has actually fallen. The ruling class had no alternative to Peron, because the social support for the military rulers had simply melted away. In the election, the alliance which was openly associated with the junta gained only 2!2%i of the votes! The splits at the top with one clique following another: showed the revolutionary crisis erupting below. But coups and counter-coups could provide no solution for the capitalists who oscillated between repression and conciliation and back again. Such Weakness and vacillation only fuelled the workers" militancy once they began to move, and made it necessary for the generals to prepare for open elections. There has been a state of open revolt in reply to the generals' permanent 'state of seige'. One general strike followed another, which led to barricade fighting and local insurrections in some towns. Only the massive authority of Peron himself, backed by the right wing of his machine. could possibly hold back such a tide, or at least turn it away from its objective. Like in Spain, France and other countries before the war, the ruling class have been forced to hand over to the leaders of the workers. as the means of derailing the revolution. So Peron has been coaxed back, with, so it seems, the endorsement of his candidacy by the Jockey Club, the US State Depart- Peron "mopped up left-wing votes by appealing to anti-American sentiment all the stronger after the coup in Chile, and he picked up a substantial number of right-wing votes ht promising a lan and order Giovemment, He has demagogically mobilised working class anger behind a meaningless but left-sounding programme of a "national and Christian people's socialism', which in the present conditions can pose not one iota of a solution to the workers' immense problems. In true Bonapartist style, he has lost no time in comforting the capitalists that their property is safe. Within hours of his election, he outlawed the ERP. a so-called 'urban guerrilla" MAKE SURE YOU GET M.I.R REGULARLY rose be 61.1%i and the real income of an industrial worker fell by 6.8%.
was being taken against the workers.
ment and the British and French ambassadors.
according to the Economist 30 9/73.
Send Il for the next 4 issues to:
Militant International Review 375, Cambridge Heath Road London E2 9RA 29
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group which had been involved in numerous acts of individual terror, kidnappings etc. Promises were continually hinted at in relation to purging his own movement of the left-wing and marxist currents which are massively supported by the youth. Most indicative of how he will move, was the very speedy recognition of the brutal junta But even if all classes look on Peron as their saviour now, within a short space of time, his magic will evaporate; for no class in the Argentine can he pose any viable solution. The distinctive brand of Bonapartist rule of 20 or more years ago was predicated on a peculiarly favourable set of citcumstances which have changed immeasurably since then. Never have the capitalists been in such desperate straits. All the pressure will be on him to take decisive action against the so-called "extremists" within and without his movement and to take Paradoxically, the massive Peronist trade union movement contains within itself the seeds of capitalism's destruction and on the way, that of the old general himself. From a weak force, General Peron, the bourgeois dictator, initiated the organisation of the mass of workers into a 5 million-strong trade union federation, the CGT which even today has over 3.7 million members - a collossal achievement in an under-developed nation. The old right-wing, bureaucratic machine will have its hold on the workers shaken to pieces by the awful experience of the cruel disillusioning events they will suffer over the next few years. The attitude of the mass of Peronist workers is far from blind loyalty; they expect him to deliver the goods. The left-wing youth in particular, were very critical even before the elections, shown by the reported statement that they would make the revolution Peron's class position and his minute room for maneouvre determine that he will take an increasingly open capitalist stand, which will seriously aggravate the discontent of the workers, in turn preparing all sorts of splits and conflicts within the Peronist movement. A foretaste could be seen at Peron's homecoming, when 3 million came out to greet him. This demonstration turned into a fiasco, when left and right Peronists fought each other in a five-hour gun battle. It is reported that it was gunmen hired by the right wing to deal with the marxist youth who were the main cause, an explanation which seems highly probable. Since then, Jose Ricci, a leader of the CGT, and Enrique Ginsberg, a youth leader, have been assasinated; the former, it is claimed, by Bitter strike struggles will once again develop as the workers see their standards even further eroded and no action taken to rectify this. This would mean further fighting, clashes with the police and aimy and probably once again, widespread action, even to the extent of further local insurrections. But out of this situation, an enormous political process will develop, by which many of the lessons of the past few years will be understood workers and in particular the youth - the Peronist youth are undoubtedly the key to the revolution now. From their ranks will come the marxist fighters, who will develop the leadership necessary to carry through the revolution to its conclusion: the taking of power by the workers and the expropriation of imperialism, But with a peculiar blindness, many so-called marxists have failed to observe or understand the developments which have already taken place within the Peronist youth and to outline a perspective for the mass of the workers in general. Groups such as the ERP have opted for what appeared to be the quick solution, the route around. the masses via kidnapping and ransoms. The marxists in the Argentine must face themselves towards the mass movement above all else, and begin systematic work among the revolutionary youth in the Peronist youth movement. By outlining bold slogans, by clear and patient explanation of all the issues, by being prepared to work in the same struggles as the youth themselves, it should be possible to build a real basis among the working class youth, with the aim of winning a majority of them. Only along that road will it be possible to really penetrate the mass of the working class and prepare a movement for the conquest of power. in neighbouring Chile.
with or without Peron.
by the advanced the oligarchy and the native capitalists.
30 repressive measures against the working class.
the ERP, but in fact more likely by the right-wing provocateurs.
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