[page 26]
he stage is set
Last November Czechoslovakia's workers and youth made a dramatic entry into the revolutionary upheavals sweeping Eastern Europe. Within ten days the seemingly all-powerful Stalinist regime of Jakes and Husak, 'elected' by the tanks of the 1968 Warsaw Pact invasion, was swept from office. Mass demonstrations in Prague, Brno, Bratislava and other cities culminated in a two-hour general strike on 27 November, the first in Czechoslovakia for 40 years.
This electric pace reflected the international character of the political revolution against Stalinism. The demonstrators were inspired by the East German revolution, while Honecker's downfall was a stunning blow to the morale of the Czechoslovak 'Communist' party (KSC). When the vicious attempt to crush the 17 November demonstrations backfired, the KSC leaders realised that the old methods of rule naked Stalinist terror - were no longer possible. By 24 November, the hated party leader Milos Jakes joined Honecker in the dustbin of history.
Forced to retreat, the representatives of Czechoslovakia's ruling bureaucracy appeared to concede more, and more swiftly, than their counterparts internationally. On 30 November the KSC's monopoly was abolished, before the East German and Bulgarian bureaucracy were forced to do likewise. On 10 December the KSC abandoned their majority in government.
Formally, they have gone further even than the Polish bureaucracy did in their deal with Solidarity. Neither the President, Interior Minister nor Prime Minister are KSC members. In Poland Jaruzelski still retains official control of the armed forces. In Czechoslovakia these powers theoretically reside with the former dissident - now President - Vaclav Havel, although significantly the Defence Minister is General Vacek of the KSC.
November's revolution sent bureaucracy into headlong But, argues Len Anderson, future direction of Czechoslovakia - political revolution, capitalist
Stalinist reaction restoration
decided.
still to
be
the retrea
the
But this humiliating retreat by Stalinism does not yet mean an end to bureaucratic domination of the economy or the state. In desperation, the bureaucratic elite have sanctioned concessions but their power and privileged positions survive. The situation is somewhat analogous to the February 1917 Russian revolution where the strength of the workers brought the old regime crashing down, but the working class was not sufficiently organised and conscious of its power to take control of society into its own hands.
The Czechoslovak working class has overwhelming weight in society. According to the Prague Institute of Economic Forecasting, industry accounts for 70% of the economy compared to 43% in the Western OECD nations.
This powerful working class found its voice during the events of last November. Within days of the students' general strike call, thousands of strike committees were set up. Today 6.000 enterprises, 75% of the total, have democratically elected strike committees. A central strike committee for all Czechoslovakia has been established. The official trade union (ROH) has lost all authority among ordinary workers.
But as Trotsky described the mood in Russia in February 1917: "These innumerable crowds have not yet clearly defined what they want, but they are saturated with an acid hatred of what they do not want." So the Czech people are unanimous against the KSC 'mafia' bureaucrats, but as to the next steps the revolution must take, there is uncertainty and confusion.
Big illusions exist. As Trotsky explained "every revolution, even with people who accomplish a dozen, begins with a kind of 'February' stage. It is with illusions, stupid confidence, and so on." There are widespread illusions that the capitalist 'market' will lead to a
Milos Jakes.
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26 Sprin Czecl
MIR
1990 roslovar
ISKOSLOVEN!
50
SARAZAALI New post for
Havel.
new era of higher living standards. Understandably, after 40 years of dictatorship, there are also illusions that parliamentary democracy will solve virtually every problem.
Forty years of Stalinism has trampled people's understanding of communism and socialism, and of Marx and Lenin, into the mud. The coincidence of the onset of Stalinist collapse and the first wave of political revolution with an economic boom in the West (albeit temporary and unstable) has enhanced the apparent superiority of capitalism over 'socialism' or the planned cconomy. Adding to its other historic crimes, Stalinism has partially erased the workers' consciousness of their own historical interests — ie for a genuine socialist society.
However, even though illusions in capitalism run deep, the first attempts at capitalist restoration could strip them away. The new government's economic 'experts', mostly inherited from the previous regime, partially understand this. The KSC leaders, their 'independent' advisers and the Citizens' Forum (OF) leadership all stand for the market.
All are agreed that the workers must pay for the economic crisis. But their concrete eco nomic prescriptions are more cautious. Finance Minister Vaclav Klaus, who drafted OFs economic programme, has called for a good dose of monetarism' and says 'there will be a lot of plant closures' - by some estimates two million jobs could go. He says "There is some discussion over whether we should apply shock therapy or use a gradualist approach. I think it is difficult to maintain the credibility of gradualism." He argued that painful austerity measures. should be introduced "like a television series, an episode every week!" But even Klaus prefers to wait until the elections and a 'legitimised' government before tackling the potentially explosive issue of cutting consumer subsidies.
Consequently, while courting foreign investment, the government only proposes to sell 30% or 40% shareholdings in state enterprises. Havel has said "private ownership would retain a space, chiefly in the sphere of services and small businesses." At this stage therefore, those who support capitalist counter-revolution are held in check by the fear of workers' reaction But further delay of the political revolution could give these restorationist tendencies greater force in the future. -
The founding aims of the new trade union movement call for preparations for work in a market economy.' But the building workers conference also voted for wage rises to keep up with inflation; full employment; a lower retire. ment age; and union control over the introduction of new technology. These demands are entirely contrary to the idea of restoring private ownership and the rule of profit.
The illusions in capitalism reflect the influence of the intellectuals and former dissidents who lead OF. They are almost exclusively artists and intellectuals from Charter 77, the Czechoslovak Helsinki Committee, Artforum, Obroda ('Revival' - a perestroika grouping). independent students, the Committee for the Defence of the Unjustly Prosecuted and other groups. There are 'revolutionary marxists', clergymen and the dominant pro-capitalist group.
Trotsky pointed out that one characteristic of the Stalinist bureaucracy was fear of the masses and of revolution, which is the entry of the masses into the arena of struggle. This describes perfectly the cowering KSC leadership. But it is also true of the OF leadership. From the outset they have demonstrated a complete lack of confidence in the masses and a desire to con tain the struggle, especially from the moment the KSC's retreat began.
Dubcek warned of 'anarchy' and too extreme demands'. Havel said "it would be in everybody's interests if the problems in our country did not get to the point of uncontrolled strikes, bloodshed, confusion and confrontation. Any sort of delay (in making concessions) would hurt not only us, that is OF, but also the government and society as a whole. That would mean all of us would have lost control of the situation." (Rude Pravo, 2 December 1989)
Of course, 'bloodshed' instigated by the secret police (StB) or other agents of Stalinist reaction is a real threat. But the best safeguard against this is precisely by mobilising the workers' strength and a bold 'confrontation' with the bureaucracy. To speak of 'uncontrolled strikes' and too extreme demands' shows that Havel and the liberal bureaucrat Dubcek share the same fear: that the initiative will slip from their hands into the hands of democratically elected workers' committees.
Although the KSC is in crisis, the Stalinist bureaucracy is not a spent force. The formation of the coalition government indicates that the more astute representatives of the bureaucracy intend rather to rely on the OF leaders as a new point of support. The OF leaders have obliged by cancelling demonstrations and a threatened general strike and by opposing all initiatives from below. They have led the movement into the safe conduit of 'round-table' talks. In this way the bureaucracy hope to absorb at least a section of the OF leaders. Despite Havel's professed modesty; his image appears on postage stamps and a cinema film about him is on national release, promoting a new 'cult of personality.
Nevertheless, at present the KSC is disintegrating. At least 200,000 members have abandoned it since November. Thousands of workplace branches have abolished themselves. In
[page 28]
OFE
2
HAVEL NA RA -HAI
January three KSC ministers, including Marion Calfa, the Prime Minister, resigned from the party. So a Stalinist counter-revolution, ie a resort to traditional methods of terror, is extremely unlikely. A military putsch could ignite a Romanian situation — a mass uprising which might push the working class into much greater measures against the bureaucracy.
Today OF and its Slovak equivalent Public Against Violence' (PAV) have overwhelming support. Local committees exist in every town with workplace committees closely linked to the strike committees and the new independent union. An embryonic form of workers' power exists alongside the old, much weakened authorities. In many enterprises the OF committee or strike committee have secured the dismissal of hated bureaucrats. Some committees have even been established in the army. At present the vast majority of workers look to the Forum.
OF achieved this commanding position at the head of the movement through the authority and prestige of the students - the first group to challenge the regime — which rose enormously during the November events. Students were the messengers of the revolution, overcoming the cordons of militia surrounding major factories to take word of the general strike to the industrial workers. The workers therefore respected the students who in turn conferred leadership upon the OF leaders. The OF leaders, in their turn. have opted for compromise with
the 'new, purified' KSC the mass movement.
Last November, demonstrators chanted We are the power!' . This was not far from the truth. With a working class leadership clearly aware of its tasks, power could have passed peacefully from the bureaucracy to the democratic organisations improvised by the workers and youth, ie the strike committees, if these bodies had been linked at regional and national level. Then, if they had based themselves on the programme of workers' democracy - election, recall and rotation of all officials, no representative to earn more than the average wage they could have organised free elections without fear of Stalinist manoeuvres and trickery, and transferred control over industry to the committees themselves.
The institutions of bureaucratic rule - the government and its puppet Federal Assembly were shipwrecked. Unfortunately, the compromise approach of the OF leaders partially restored their shattered authority. OF leaders like Vaclar Havel - who spent five years in jail - enjoy tremendous popular support. Many workers and especially young people support Havel because he is 'honest' and a break with the past. Increasingly they will be more exacting in their judgement, wanting to know what programme the OF leaders stand for.
Sections of the bureaucracy are abandoning the party they have ruled for 40 years. They are seeking out other points of support: in the
pacity
Left: Havel the Castle Presidenc proclaims the poster bur the OF leadropposed ul election. Rich:
Satirical cart.
- all trendtogether in OF
Last Novembr demonst chanted, are the power!"
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28 MIR Spring 1990 Czechoslovar
The decisive
question is
whether a nass workers'
party can be built in time
Forum, possibly in the Social Democratic Party, and through various 'independents'. Calfa's resignation is quite consistent with his bureaucratic past (he was Deputy Prime Minister in the previous government of Adamec). For iwo decades he could not achiere high office without a KSC party card. Now he cannot stay in high office with one! Nevertheless, OF spokesman Petr Mihart greeted this blatant careerism, saving "Calfa is a pleasant surprise for us, and is certainly acceptable as a senior member of the government."
Despite a U-turn by the official press and a saccharin campaign praising Havel, the KSC have exploited every mistake of the OF leaders. Hypocritically, they met demands for Havel to assume the Presidency by proposing an election.
Incredibly, the OF leaders opposed an election, believing Havel would lose. Instead of seizing the opportunity to rout the KSC and mobilise their mass support, Forum spokesmen argued that people outside Prague did not know Havel and that an election campaign would leave the country without a President for too long. The Stalinists reply was a poster campaign: "Havel's afraid of an election"!
Thus instead of exposing the unelected Fed eral Assembly inherited front totalitarianism. the OF leaders actually shored up its battered authority. Indeed, they argued: "We are convinced that in the Federal Assembly there are also deputies who are capable of acting in accord with the current situation." (OF statement 30 November 1989).
A deal was struck and on 31 January 120 new deputies were co-opted, of whom only eight were KSC members, wiping out the KSC's majority. No popular election took place and the OF leadership appealed for an end to mass petitioning organised in local areas. The OF leaders said the deputies should stay as a 'temporary measure' until the June elections: the demonstrators who demanded 'free elections' in Norember 1989 are still not 'ready for democracy!
In the elections. OF, which is 'not a political party, may support candidates from a range of parties and 'non-part!' individuals, including ex-KSC members. If this happens it is quite likely that a new version of the present coalition will emerge.
Unless a clear workers alternative is built to carry through the political revolution. an unstable period of successive coalitions is possible If the political revolution fails, then mass disillusionment and potential economic chaos could later produce either capitalist or Stalinist counter-revolution. How the developing political revolution unfolds in the USSR and the timing of economic recession in the West will also have a decisive effect on future events
There remain great opportunities for a successful political revolution. The rank and file of the armed forces and police have been infected with the virus of revolution. In November, units of the riot police and militia refused to attack demonstrators. In January there were soldiers' strikes and one regiment forced their officers to cancel military manoeuvres and allow a delegation to visit OF leaders in Prague.
The vast majority of the ranks could be won over to the workers' side. Rank and file soldiers' committees linked with the committees in the factories. together with the right to elect officers, alongside practical steps by the workers' committees to organise defence, would insure that the army could not be used against the revolution.
But failure to act would leave the initiative in the hands of the senior officers, ferociously struggling to re-assert the norms of discipline and thereby their control over the ranks. The abolition of KSC celis in the army and police is purely cosmetic, while 90% of officers and 55% of NCOs are still KSC members.
The pressure from the streets, not the OF leaders, has blocked attempts at reaction. Havel warned the Stalinist conspirators that 'the Poet also has teeth!' But what has the government actually done? There have been numerous announcements 'finally' dismantling the STB (secret police). But in reality this was not the government's intention. Sacher, the Interior Minister (People's Party) said: "a whole number of professional units must be preserved" for dealing with terrorism and drug trafficking. He added that intormers would not be prosecuted and that all files would be sealed. When sections of the regular police called for the right to form a union, the Minister said "even in countries where free trade unions exist, there are certain professions which cannot go on strike."
These developments indicate that the bureaucracy has not surrendered control of their state apparatus. The hardliners of the regime, who under different international and domestic conditions could once again become the dominant wing of the Czechoslovak bureaucracy, may at a certain stage be prepared to resort to military terror in order to save their positions.
The period ahead offers the working class tremendous opportunities to take power and initiate a regime of genuine socialism. But the decisive question facing the Czechoslovak revolution is whether a mass workers' party, based on workplace committees and which can win the support of all the oppressed people to the programme of workers' democracy, can be built in time.
February
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